Texas Sen. Ted Cruz was born in 1970, six years after events refuted a theory on which he is wagering his candidacy.
The 1964 theory was that many millions of conservatives abstained from voting because the Republican Party did not nominate sufficiently deep-dyed conservatives. So if in 1964 the party would choose someone like Arizona Sen. Barry Goldwater, hitherto dormant conservatives would join the electorate in numbers sufficient for victory.
This theory was slain by a fact — actually, 15,951,378 facts. That was the difference between the 43,129,566 votes that President Lyndon Johnson received and the 27,178,188 that Goldwater got in winning six states.
The sensible reason for nominating Goldwater was not because he could win: As Goldwater understood, Americans still recovering from the Kennedy assassination were not going to have a third president in 14 months. The realistic reason was to turn the GOP into a conservative weapon for a future assault on the ramparts of power.
Hence in September 1964, William F. Buckley told an audience of young conservatives to anticipate Goldwater's defeat because he had been nominated "before we had time properly to prepare the ground." Goldwater's candidacy had, however, planted "seeds of hope, which will flower on a great November day in the future." Sixteen Novembers later, they did.
Today, however, there is no need to nominate Cruz in order to make the GOP conservative. Cruz sits in a Senate that has no Republicans akin to the liberals Goldwater served with — New York's Jacob Javits, Massachusetts' Edward Brooke, Illinois' Charles Percy, New Jersey's Clifford Case, California's Thomas Kuchel.
When Jeb Bush, the most conservative governor of a large state since Ronald Reagan (by some metrics — taxes, school choice — Bush was a more conservative governor than Reagan), is called a threat to conservatism...
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